87 MacDonough Street

The house located on 87 MacDonough Street in Bedford–Stuyvesant, Brooklyn has been a part of the Bedford-Stuyvesant/Stuyvesant Heights Historic District since 1975. It is one of the oldest surviving structures in the neighborhood dating back to its construction in 1863. It is owned by the United Order of Tents. The house lies in one of the nation’s largest African American and Caribbean-American neighborhoods, making it distinct from other areas of the city. The Historic Districts Council describes this neighborhoods historical significance, “Although the district was constructed by dozens of architects, builders, and developers working in the late 19th century and early 20th centuries, it owes its continuing beauty to the dedication of countless homeowners who, for the past century, have safeguarded Bedford’s architectural heritage, guaranteeing its survival for future generations."

The Physical Space

During its creation in the 19th century, its construction was influenced by the Italianate style. This style of architecture is known for its use of red brick, heavy ornate stone windowsills, and low stoops. This villa was no exception with its red brick foundation and large windows and elaborate doorway. Despite the house’s historical significance and the urbanization of the nearby buildings, it’s peeling paint and worn- down curtains reveal that the appearance of the house has been neglected. One of the only remaining features that proves its occupation is the singular light bulb that hangs at the doorway underneath a sign that reads “1888-1988 Eastern District Grand Tent #3 Grand United Order of Tents of Bklyn.” This light remains not only an indication that someone pays for the utilities of the home, but it also serves as a signal for the community that the home is a place of hope and safety.

The Historical Space

Following the house’s construction in 1863, William A. Parker soon took up residency. He was a local hops and malt businessman. This home served as a place for him to pursue his flourishing business with those in the neighborhood. However, Parker’s residency was short lived and James McMahon soon moved into the home. McMahon was the wealthy founder of the Emigrant Industrial Savings Bank. This bank was located all throughout New York City and allowed McMahon to gain quite an influence in the area. With this influence, the neighborhood began to change in social dynamics, leading many wealthy or middle-class families to move into the surrounding area. It was also during this time of neighborhood reconstruction that McMahon decided to begin his own reconstructions of the home. He added a library, parlor, billiard room, and touched up the outwardly appearance of the home in order to match the booming construction of subway lines and new homes around him. By the time he died in 1913, the neighborhood had transformed into an upper-middle class street. Before the economic crash of the Great Depression in 1929, many new families were coming into the neighborhood to find additional space that they couldn’t find it the city. This was specifically the case with Black families, which is largely an effect of the “Great Migration” that caused many Black families from the South to move to the Industrial North in search of jobs. However, this was not an easy transition. The NYC Historic District Council said, “Many white residents saw their presence as a threat to their neighborhood and reacted out of fear, anger, hostility, and discrimination. ” This led to the Home Owner’s Loan Corporation that was notoriously known for giving certain districts scales ranging from A-D based on which neighborhoods they saw as “desirable for investments ”. The Bedford Historic District received a D rating, common around many neighborhoods that housed immigrants or Black people. As a result, development in this area was neglected and given to the surrounding white neighborhoods. The Great Depression only increased this neglect and many Black families were left to fend for themselves in deteriorating conditions with no support from the government. This urbanization and redlining of neighborhoods in New York City left the black residents and other residents of color to take action into their own hands. Many churches began popping up, along with “Block associations ”. In this way, residents began community projects and actions to help their own neighborhoods and communities. The house at 87 MacDougal Street only reflected these actions because in 1945 the United Order of Tents took over occupation of the home, remaining there today.

United Order of Tents

The United Order of Tents is an organization founded in 1848 by Annetta M Lane and Harriet R Taylor in Norfolk, Virginia. This organization was part of a larger movement of Black women’s clubs that sought to create a place of refuge, community, and action for Black Women; however, the club also operated within the context of the Underground Railroad. Referring to their name “tents” aligns with this connection and serves as a symbol of the shelter they provided to those who escaped in search of freedom. In Mary Schley’s article, “The United Order of Tents and 73 Cannon Street: A Study of Identity and Place”, she says, “The United Order of Tents is, in fact, the oldest organization of its kind and serves as a living legacy of the convictions that mobilized thousands of African American women during the repercussions of the Civil War. ” Although it is rooted in this time of reconstruction and escapement, the Tents as an organization has adapted over time based on the needs of its members. For instance, the Tents provides services like food and shelter, assisting in the burial of individuals, creating nursing homes, and other mutual aid efforts. A distinguishing factor between the Tents and other black women led clubs like the NACW is that it operates as a secret society. This in part has to do with its founding during the time of the Underground Railroad and the need to protect the identities of individuals escaping from the South. However, it has kept its secrecy up to the present, making it difficult to find resources and articles about the exact functions of the society. Despite this lack of information circulating about the Tents, there is some evidence suggesting that it functions much like a sorority organization where there are rules and codes of conduct that members abide by. For instance, there is a dress code based on which district and position you hold within the organization. Local meetings typically have a basic requirement of no pants, while white dresses and shoes are a requirement for higher up meetings. Purple is also a color worn by those with the most authority within the Tents, usually the “Queen” or “Super intendent,” according to Tent member Essie Gregory . These regulations and rules only add to the societies social structure but also the unity across districts. As the organization has grown, it has been divided into districts and levels of national, district, and local. This requires some sort of organizational structure in order to provide for a collective community of action. Schley says, “In order to create unity and regularity amongst these women, the Order established organizational methods, leadership positions, and procedures for tents to follow. ” While the Tents hold official roles and hierarchies within its organization, they make it clear that these roles and positions are not based off class or social standing rather than a set of rituals and organizational methods. Member Dorothy Saunders wrote, “Neither station in life, wealth, prestige, or religious affiliation determines the right to become a member. ” This allows the membership to be comprised of women from all different backgrounds, despite the outside social structures that have marginalized them. In this way, the organization allows the women to participate in a wide range of leadership positions in contrast to the exclusion and discrimination they have faced throughout society based on race, gender, class, and sexuality.

Black Women’s Clubs in the Nineteenth Century

In the 19 century, a large movement of Black women’s clubs began following the Reconstruction after the Civil War. During the Reconstruction there was little attempt from the government to provide those who were enslaved with the resources they needed to find jobs, housing, and community. Therefore, it became the duty of the Black community to find these spaces, particularly the Black women. Schley writes, “Due to the gender roles designated during slavery that perpetuated into freedom, African American women, as the caretakers of the race, were responsible for the black community. ” This responsibility led to the formation of clubs like theNACW and the National Federation of Afro-American Women. While these clubs or organizations started out as social gatherings, they began to transform into political and socially aware spaces of activism and reform, focusing on issues like child labor, suffrage, environmental protection, and so on. These clubs allowed for women to gain influence into the public sphere which they had previously been excluded from. The focus on Black women was also crucial, especially as many of the organizations for women were primarily run by white women who sought after suffrage rights. Black women’s clubs knew that their fight involved so much more than simply gaining the right to vote and gaining gender equality. The dynamic needs of Black women’s clubs allowed them to not only connect to movements of labor, gender, and race, but they also outlasted many other women’s organizations for their abilities to adapt to their changing needs. In Stephanie J. Shaw’s journal, “Black Club Women and the Creation of the National Association of Colored Women,” she says, “Although Federal Reconstruction organizations and institutions eventually collapsed, black self-help groups continued to thrive, and Black women’s activities were prominent. ”The strategies and ability to adapt is what allowed Black women’s clubs an organizations to remain intact today. Shaw attempts to document some of those changes. She says, “In earlier decades, the shared conditions of slavery and the limited mobility that slaves enjoyed restricted their associations to groups that included but went beyond the "family" to embrace the whole slave community. ” In other words, many of the Black women’s clubs during the Early nineteenth century were centered around a family structure, allowing for close relationships and mutual aid efforts. As more demands came forth, organizations sought out governmental support. She adds, “In the post-emancipation period, black women's organizations abounded, and many, like the ISOL, eventually had national connections but the voluntary associations formed by women around the turn of the century embraced local women with shared traditions and outlooks who were often no longer from the same families, churches, neighborhoods, or even region. ” In this way, the organizations grew in size and influence which allowed them to focus on larger issues facing the many different positionalities of the women. Additionally, the surge of women organizations following the Nineteenth and Twentieth centuries, stems from what Daphne Spain calls “municipal housekeeping.” In her book How Women Saved the City, she says, “The idea that women’s service to the state was best rendered through obligations associated with motherhood dates back to the early Republic. ” This allows women to enter into the public sphere which they have previously been excluded from, but only by encouraging women to take responsibility for the ‘cleaning up’ of the city. In this way, they take on a motherly relationship with the public, offering care services. The United Order of Tents and other Black women’s clubs were no exception, often performing a family type bond with other members of their organization with a focus on the care of the community and city around them. Spain continues saying, “Women volunteers saved the American city at the turn of the twentieth century by converting religious doctrine and domestic ideology into redemptive places that produced social order at a critical moment in the nation’s development. ” A big part of women’s movements, specifically the Tents, was their dedication to the Church. The Tents operates within a Christian matriarchy, speaking to this new American city that Spain lays out. By adopting a matriarchal society committed to the church, women were able to enter into a socially acceptable political sphere that they had previously been shut out from.

Organization and Action

Similarly to the mutual aid efforts outlined by the Black women’s club movement, the United Order of Tents draws on these organizational tactics in its own activism. Along with the organization’s community impact, there is a big focus on the preservation of their community through restoring their physical space at 87 MacDougal St. Although the house is a part of the Stuyvesant Heights Historic District, it has been a struggle to find state support and protection that the organization needs in order to renovate and save the space. The Brooklyn College Project is doing work and organizing in order to keep this space open and thriving. The project consists of 12 college students and Dr. Robyn C. Spencer that have begun working with the Tents to raise community awareness about the contributions of Black women to history and the need to protect this space from the gentrifying city. They provide donation resources, conversations, and information to those in the community that want to learn about the Tents work and help restore the home.